Peer Harassment: A Weapon in the Struggle for Popularity and Normative Hegemony in American Secondary Schools

This paper addresses two of secondary education’s most serious problems—peer abuse of weaker socially unskilled students and a peer culture that in most schools discourages many students from trying to be all that they can be academically. We have documented the two problems by reviewing ethnographies of secondary schools, by interviewing students in eight suburban high schools and by analyzing data from questionnaires completed by nearly 100,000 students at Educational Excellence Alliance schools. Grounded in these observations, we built a simple mathematical model of peer harassment and popularity and of the pressures for conformity that are created by the struggle for popularity and then tested it in data from the Educational Excellence Alliance. Students entering middle school learn its norms by trying to copy the traits and behaviors of students who are respected and by avoiding contact with those who are frequently harassed. Peer norms are enforced by encouraging ‘wannabes,’ aspirants for admission to popular crowds, to harass those who visibly violate them. Consequently, one can infer the norms by noting who gets harassed and who doesn’t. Traits that in EEA data led to higher risks of being bullied and harassed were: being in a special education, being in gifted programs, taking accelerated courses in middle school, tutoring other students, enjoying school assignments, taking a theatre course, not liking rap-hip hop music and liking instead musicals, heavy metal, country, or classical music. The relationship between harassment and academic effort was curvilinear; both the nerds and the slackers were harassed. To some degree these norms are, as Kenneth Arrow suggests, trying to internalize externalities. But why are music preferences such good predictors of harassment? Why are the student tutors victimized? We propose that norms also have a “We’re cool, Honor us” function of legitimating the high status that the leading crowds claim for themselves. As a result the traits and interests that members of leading crowds have in common tend to become normative for everyone. The norms that prevailed were: “Spend your time socializing, do not “study too hard.” Value classmates for their athletic prowess and their attractiveness, not their interest in history or their accomplishments in science.

An Economic Theory of Academic Engagement Norms: The Struggle for Popularity and Normative Hegemony in Secondary Schools

[Excerpt] Why and how do groups create norms? Kenneth Arrow proposed that “norms of social behavior, including ethical and moral codes, ….are reactions of society to compensate for market failure”. This internalize the real externalities explanation for norms is also standard among rational choice theorists in sociology. The situation becomes more complex when we recognize some actions create positive externalities for some individuals and negative externalities for others. Often this results in no norm being established. However, sometimes one segment of a social system has normative hegemony and enforces norms that enhance their power and prestige at the expense of other groups. Norms regarding caste in India, for example, were functional for Brahmins but humiliating for Harijans. Caste and status norms of this type will also be referred to as “Honor us; Not them” norms. Such norms arise when one group is much more powerful (has greater ability to enforce their preferred social norm) than other groups and it imposes its will on others. An additional requirement is that the people who oppose the norm established by the dominant group must be unable or unwilling to leave the social system in which the norm operates

Secondary Education in the United States: What Can Others Learn from Our Mistakes?

Secondary schools are the least successful component of the U.S. education system. Students learn considerably less than in other industrialized nations and dropout rates are significantly higher. This paper provides an explanation for this failure, describes the standards based reforms strategies that many states are implementing to attack these problems, and evaluates the success of these efforts

Is Standards-Based Reform Working? … and For Whom?

[Excerpt] Three presidents, the National Governors Association, numerous blue ribbon panels and national teachers unions have called for states to develop content standards for core subjects, examinations assessing student achievement aligned with the content standards and accountability mechanisms for insuring that students achieve these standards. In 1999 eighteen states had minimum competency exam (MCE) graduation requirements, 19 rewarded successful schools, 19 had special assistance programs for failing schools, 11 had the power to close down, take over or reconstitute failing schools

The Role of End-of-Course Exams and Minimum Competency Exams in Standards-Based Reforms

[Excerpt] Educational reformers and most of the American public believe that most teachers ask too little of their pupils. These low expectations, they believe, result in watered down curricula and a tolerance of mediocre teaching and inappropriate student behavior. The result is that the prophecy of low achievement becomes self-fulfilling. Although research has shown that learning gains are substantially larger when students take more demanding courses2, only a minority of students enroll in these courses. There are several reasons for this. Guidance counselors in many schools allow only a select few into the most challenging courses. While most schools give students and parents the authority to overturn counselor recommendations, many families are unaware they have that power or are intimidated by the counselor’s prediction of failure in the tougher class. As one student put it: “African-American parents, they settle for less, not knowing they can get more for their students.

Lifschitz Tails for Random Schr\"{o}dinger Operator in Bernoulli Distributed Potentials

This paper presents an elementary proof of Lifschitz tail behavior for random discrete Schr\"{o}dinger operators with a Bernoulli-distributed potential. The proof approximates the low eigenvalues by eigenvalues of sine waves supported where the potential takes its lower value. This is motivated by the idea that the eigenvectors associated to the low eigenvalues react to the jump in the values of the potential as if the gap were infinite

Spectral Gap and Edge Excitations of dd-dimensional PVBS models on half-spaces

We analyze a class of quantum spin models defined on half-spaces in the $d$-dimensional hypercubic lattice bounded by a hyperplane with inward unit normal vector $m\in\mathbb{R}^d$. The family of models was previously introduced as the single species Product Vacua with Boundary States (PVBS) model, which is a spin-$1/2$ model with a XXZ-type nearest neighbor interactions depending on parameters $\lambda_j\in (0,\infty)$, one for each coordinate direction. For any given values of the parameters, we prove an upper bound for the spectral gap above the unique ground state of these models, which vanishes for exactly one direction of the normal vector $m$. For all other choices of $m$ we derive a positive lower bound of the spectral gap, except for the case $\lambda_1 =\cdots =\lambda_d=1$, which is known to have gapless excitations in the bulk